Kristen Welker: President Díaz-Canel, welcome to Meet the Press.
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel: Thank you very much. Thank you for this opportunity, and thank you for being in Cuba.
Kristen Welker: Thank you for inviting us to your beautiful country; it is an honor.
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel: It is a pleasure for us to have you here.
Kristen Welker: Thank you, thank you very much.
I’d like to start with President Trump. He said he has plans to take over Cuba in some way. He said, “I think I can do whatever I want with Cuba.” Do you take Trump’s threats seriously?
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel: I believe that in recent days, many things have been said—not only by the President but also by other U.S. government officials—that truly reflect aggressive language and rhetoric toward Cuba.
One must understand our country’s history. Our country is one whose identity is deeply rooted in the values of sovereignty and independence. For 150 years, Cuba fought, first to free itself from colonial rule and then from neocolonialism. And with the Cuban Revolution, with its triumph in January 1959, a whole range of dependencies was eradicated, along with subjugation and subordination to a foreign power, bringing a host of beneficial consequences for the country—consequences that the Cuban people are not willing to give up.
One of the most brilliant generals of our wars of independence, Antonio Maceo, once said: “Whoever attempts to seize Cuba will only gather the dust of its blood-soaked soil, if they do not perish in the struggle.”
We are a country of peace. We do not promote war; we do not like war; we foster solidarity and cooperation among peoples, but we are prepared to defend the peace we desire; therefore, we are not intimidated, and we do not want to be caught off guard or defeated. That is one interpretation of this threat and Cuba’s position.
The other interpretation that can be given is when they say that Cuba will collapse on its own, and they try to label us a failed state or a country that is going to collapse, which is contradicted by reality: how a country like this has withstood all kinds of pressures and aggressions over 67 years, including, for more than sixty years, the longest-running blockade in history, which is a criminal, genocidal blockade. There is much to be said on these topics, but I do tell you that the Cuban people and the Cuban Revolution are ready to defend themselves.
Kristen Welker: Let’s move on to the next question.
President Trump wants to deal with Cuba the same way he has with President Maduro in Venezuela, and the same way he has in Iran, where he has killed the Supreme Leader. Do you think you could be arrested or assassinated by the U.S. government?
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel.—That’s a very interesting question. I never like it when people draw parallels between Cuba and other nations, because we have our own history, we operate under our own circumstances, and it also shows a lack of understanding of our history, the strength of our unity, and the strength of our institutions.
Those of us who have assumed responsibilities within the Revolution are committed to the Revolution, above all to our heroic people. And that sense of responsibility includes the conviction that we are willing to give our lives for the Revolution, for the cause we defend. Therefore, for me, that is not a concern. If the time comes, I do not believe there is any justification for the United States to provoke an attack on Cuba or for the United States to attempt a surgical strike or the kidnapping of a president in Cuba. If that were to happen, there would be combat, there would be a fight. We will defend ourselves, and if we must die, we will die, because as our National Anthem says: “To die for the Fatherland is to live.”
But there is a misunderstanding here, and that is that the leadership of the Cuban Revolution is always personalized with a single individual. At one time it was personified by the Commander-in-Chief, at another time by the Army General; now they are trying to personify it with me. The fact is that we have a collective leadership in which there is unity, cohesion, ideological unity as well, and revolutionary discipline. Therefore, eliminating one person from the leadership structure of the Revolution does not solve any problem; on the contrary, there are hundreds of people who are capable of assuming that responsibility and making decisions collectively. And we are prepared to face any kind of situation.
Continue reading “Surrender is not part of the revolutionaries’ mindset”
